A Death by Decree: The Secret Military Tribunal Behind the Death of a Catalan Separatist

A year since the death of Víctor Terradellas Maré, one of Catalonia's most ardent independence advocates, a Norwegian government scientist has reached out to Abreu Report to claim that his death bears all the hallmarks of a directed energy weapon assassination.

The scientist, a Norwegian government professor specializing in directed-energy weapons whose identity is being withheld by Abreu Report for his own safety, believes Terradellas was exposed to a powerful microwave device designed to induce a stroke while avoiding an immediate death that might trigger a forensic investigation.

“The weapon is not designed to kill instantly, since this would likely result in an autopsy, but instead is meant to kill days after the target has been hospitalized and doctors can be persuaded to declared the death as a stroke,” the scientist said.

The scientist's contact with us prompted us to launch an investigation into Terradellas's death and his political activities. That reporting produced a separate allegation from a source in Spanish intelligence, who said Terradellas had been designated an enemy combatant and subjected to a clandestine military tribunal at the behest of Spain's King Felipe.

According to the intelligence source, the tribunal acted in absentia and convicted Terradellas of treason against Madrid. The alleged grounds for that conviction included his contacts with Israel and Russia and his purported involvement in plans to establish a Catalan army operating parallel to Spain's armed forces.

Terradellas had maintained contacts with Russian figures and promoted closer relations between Catalonia and Israel. Previous reporting has documented those activities, although the extent to which they represented official Catalan policy remains disputed.

The weapon fits in a camera?

If Terradellas was formally designated an enemy combatant, the legal implications would be substantially different from those of an ordinary criminal prosecution. The designation would raise questions about whether Spanish authorities considered him subject to a military rather than civilian legal regime.

A historical comparison is the U.S. Supreme Court's 1942 decision Ex parte Quirin, involving eight German saboteurs captured during World War II, including Hans Herbert Haupt. The Court upheld the jurisdiction of a military commission over unlawful enemy combatants accused of offenses against the laws of war.

The decision subsequently became part of the legal history surrounding American treatment of enemy combatants. Decades later, the U.S. government developed counterterrorism policies authorizing targeted lethal force against certain individuals regarded as enemy combatants or members of hostile organizations. The Obama regime defended such operations through a combination of the law of armed conflict, congressional authorizations, and presidential war powers.

The allegations therefore present two extraordinary possibilities: that Terradellas was deliberately targeted with a directed-energy weapon, and that his death followed a secret military process in which he had already been designated an enemy combatant and convicted of treason.

The allegations concerning Terradellas ultimately present a question that is less dramatic in legal form than it may appear in political terms: whether Spanish authorities had determined, through whatever process was deemed applicable, that he was no longer to be treated solely as a civilian political actor but as an individual subject to measures ordinarily reserved for an enemy. If such a determination existed, the subsequent use of force would not necessarily have been viewed by its authors as an assassination, but as the implementation of an existing legal and operational determination, subject to whatever findings, authorizations, and safeguards the responsible officials considered sufficient. The alleged military tribunal, his reported designation as an enemy combatant, his contacts abroad, and the claims concerning a Catalan military organization would, in that framework, become less a collection of extraordinary circumstances than elements in an internal assessment of threat and authority. 

If a government can convert a political separatist into an enemy through a process unavailable to public scrutiny, the decisive act may occur not when the weapon is deployed, but earlier, when someone determines -- quietly, administratively, and with sufficient confidence -- that ordinary law no longer applies.

Five Spanish Police Officers Died in a Crash. But Where Were They Really Going; and What Does the Royal Family Have to Do With It?

Five senior officers with Navarra’s regional police force were killed June 3 when their police van slammed into a tanker on the AP-8 near Elgoibar, in Spain’s Basque Country. They were reportedly headed for Iurreta, where authorities said they were due to meet with the Ertzaintza, the Basque regional police, for training and equipment testing.

The officers were Fermín Sola Barrena, head of Navarra’s Intervention Division; Jesús María Vidaurreta Fernández, commander of an operational intervention group; Miguel Crespo Obanos and Miguel Antonio D’Entremont Jiménez, members of the force’s specialized GIE tactical unit; and Juan Martín Domínguez Villar, who worked in operational support.

These were seasoned police officers who had spent years handling the kind of work that most cops never see: dangerous arrests, tactical interventions, protection assignments and operations involving armed suspects.

King Felipe VI offered condolences after the crash, as did senior Spanish officials and police commanders.

The account given by authorities is that the officers were on their way to Iurreta for a professional session with the Ertzaintza when the crash happened. The Basque police have publicly described joint training involving Policía Foral and their specialist units.

But sources who say they knew about the officers’ assignment tell a different story.

They say Iurreta was a cover destination and that the five were actually working a surveillance assignment involving a member of Spain’s royal family. According to these sources, the officers were investigating the royal, rather than heading to a training session.

That is a serious claim, but there is Francisco de Borbón von Hardenberg.

In February, the aristocrat and distant relative of Spain’s royal family was arrested in an investigation into alleged money laundering connected to a major drug-trafficking organization. Spanish investigators accused the network of moving the proceeds of drug trafficking and also implicated a former senior police officer. De Borbón was later released on €50,000 bail.

Mystery suits wearing sunglasses on a cloudy day.

Sources bring up some troubling questions. Did the royal family have 5 officers killed and made it look like an accident? The driver of the tanker that caused their deaths survived, and what makes this entire affair more troubling is his connection to Spain's intelligence services. The government, of course, refuses to publicly reveal his identity. 

Imagine that, someone kills 5 police officers and gets to maintain anonimity. Unsual, highly unusual. 

If the officers were going to Iurreta, there should be a paper trail: the meeting, the people waiting for them, the equipment they were supposed to test. If they were headed somewhere else, there should be a trail for that, too... deployment orders, radio traffic, vehicle records, court documents or witnesses who knew what was going on.

How could the truck driver be the only one to survive?

Five highly trained officers set out that morning.

They never reached their stated destination.

For now, the public knows how they died.

It does not know with certainty where they were going.

Spain's Royal Family Suspected of Killing One of the Five Guardia Civil Officers Investigated in Galician Drug Trafficking Conspiracy

The investigation began with a drug-trafficking operation in the Galician town of Carballo, with the investigators eventually looking inside the Guardia Civil itself.

Five officers are now under investigation in a series of cases that grew out of the original narcotics inquiry. The allegations include revealing confidential information, facilitating or concealing drug trafficking, bribery, extortion and fraud.

Then one of the officers died.

A royal hit?

The death, reported in June by Narcodiario, was initially regarded as voluntary. But according to a source familiar with the investigation, the officer had been preparing to provide information about a member of the Bourbon family, a cousin of Francisco de Borbón. The source alleges that the officer was killed to prevent him from talking.

This terrifying accusation would transform a sprawling investigation into suspected corruption inside Spain's law-enforcement apparatus into something far more consequential.

The case began in May 2025, when Guardia Civil officers arrested six people linked to the so-called Otero clan, a group investigators associated with drug trafficking in Carballo and the surrounding Bergantiños region. A Guardia Civil officer was among those arrested, and investigators seized phones.

The evidence recovered from the original case opened new avenues of inquiry. According to Spain's Tribunal Superior de Xustiza de Galicia, the investigation eventually produced five additional judicial proceedings. They concern alleged disclosure of secrets and privileged information; fraud involving the estates of five deceased people; fraud, document falsification and extortion; bribery; and another matter potentially involving bribery or influence peddling.

In all, five Guardia Civil officers came under investigation.

The officers are not accused of acting as a single criminal organization, which makes this more concerning. It hints to someone directing the entire group, someone with enough pull to blackmail and motivate them to provide information.

For a drug-trafficking organization, information can be more valuable than money. A warning that police are watching can allow a suspect to change vehicles, abandon a meeting, or move a shipment. Knowledge of an investigation can reveal how much the authorities know and how much they do not.

In one of the cases that emerged from the Carballo investigation, four officers were linked to an inquiry involving an A Coruña lawyer. Investigators are examining whether confidential information concerning people involved in criminal proceedings was allegedly provided to the lawyer in exchange for benefits.

The allegations suggest a potential market built not around cocaine itself, but around access to the machinery of justice.

That is what makes the death of one of the officers a terrifying development. Narcodiario reported that he was found dead at his home after the investigation into the five officers became public, with its account saying the initial indications pointed toward a voluntary death.

The source who provided the account says investigators should examine whether the officer had become a liability because of what he knew, and whom he was prepared to name.

But the claim places a remarkable question at the center of an already extraordinary investigation: whether a probe into drug trafficking and police corruption was approaching someone with connections to Spain's royal family, and whether the officer carrying that information died before he could disclose it.

Considering the fact that a member of the royal family has been arrested just this year, with allegations that the King himself has profited over a billion euros, one wonders: is Spain now officially a narcostate?

Narcotunnels were leading into Ceuta, with a group of Guardia Civil officers implicated. That was big news in Ceuta just before the migrant invasion. The King, normally vocal about threats to Spain's sovereignty, hasn't even called Morocco's King to voice his displeasure with the rush of migrants that now threatens Madrid's hold on the Spanish enclave in North Africa.

Experts are asking if this was a convenient distraction to hide the fact that Ceuta had become the hashish capital of Europe.

Cocaine’s Hidden Weapon: Access to the Spanish State

When Spain’s Internal Affairs investigators arrested a National Police officer in Barcelona this month, they uncovered something potentially more valuable to traffickers than cocaine itself: information.

The officer worked in an anti-drug and organized-crime unit at Catalonia police headquarters. Investigators found nearly 900 searches of restricted police databases dating to 2020, including information on wanted suspects, criminal investigations, police reports and surveillance operations.

Prosecutors suspect that sensitive intelligence was being passed to people connected to international narcotics trafficking. The officer and his partner were arrested, and he is being investigated for bribery, disclosure of secrets, participation in a criminal organization, and money laundering. A source familiar with the proceedings said he is expected to plead guilty.

The case is striking not because it suggests that one officer went astray, but because it arrives amid a series of investigations showing how aggressively organized crime is testing Spain’s institutions.

Who is taking his cut?

Earlier this year, a Guardia Civil officer was arrested over alleged cooperation with a Balkan-linked cocaine network. Investigators reportedly found 200,000 euros in cold, hard cash and suspected that he had used his position to facilitate shipments through southern Spain. Another Guardia Civil officer was sentenced to six years after admitting to transporting about 40 kilograms of cocaine.

Investigations in Mallorca, Valencia, and Madrid have widened the picture further, examining alleged corruption involving ports, narcotics units, financial networks, and cryptocurrency.

Barcelona has become the violent center of the European cocaine trade’s Balkan dimension.

In April, the alleged crime figure Krsto Vujić, known as “Terminator,” was shot while sitting on a Barcelona terrace with his partner and child. He later died. Investigators linked the killing to the feud between Montenegro’s Škaljari and Kavač clans, rival organizations whose conflict has followed cocaine routes across Europe.

When analyzing events within the last few months, the 900 database searches acquire a different significance.

The question is no longer simply if traffickers can move cocaine through Spain. It has become if they can acquire the information, protection, and institutional access needed to anticipate the people trying to stop them.

Earlier this year, on Feb. 3, the investigation touched somewhere few would have expected: the aristocracy.

National Police officers arrived in Málaga to detain Francisco de Borbón, a member of the Bourbon dynasty and a cousin of King Felipe VI. He was suspected of participating in a money-laundering scheme linked to narcotics trafficking. A judge released him the following day on 50,000 euros bail. Through his lawyers, he has denied wrongdoing.

According to officials familiar with sealed judicial material, investigators tracing cryptocurrency wallets and shell companies have found financial pathways connected with entities linked to Mr. de Borbón’s business and social orbit. The inquiry grew out of a Mallorca property investigation and expanded into alleged corruption involving ports and law-enforcement systems in Valencia.

Francisco's arrest gives the sprawling investigation a remarkable endpoint.

It began with cocaine routes, suspicious property deals, and compromised police databases. It moved through ports, criminal organizations and encrypted financial networks. Then it tarnished a member of the Bourbon crime cartel.

The question thus becomes: have Spain’s institutions been captured by organized crime?

The people moving billions of euros through Europe’s cocaine economy are willing to reach into every layer of Spanish society... from the streets and ports to the police, the financial system and, now, the aristocracy.

The drug war is no longer just about stopping the traffickers.

It is about discovering who, inside Spain’s institutions, is giving them aid and shelter.